By Rosemary Overell (auth.)
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Additional resources for Affective Intensities in Extreme Music Scenes: Cases from Australia and Japan
That arises from . . dancing in nightclubs’ (p. 18). Speaking from experience in both nightclubs and extreme metal events, I would venture that these experiences actually do share a common ‘form of sociality’, and as many Extreme Metal Music, Belonging and Ethnography 25 grindcore fans speak of ‘losing themselves in the music’ through the shared experience of head-banging as ravers do about dancing. Matsue’s account is also predominantly textual. She offers detailed analyses of clothing, ﬂiers and lyrics and how they operate to grant scene members angura status.
Rather, metal existed right in the heart of hegemonic culture – in the suburbs – as a deviant, even resistant, anomaly. In contemporary popular culture, heavy metal continues to hold an outsider image, even though popular rock genres such as emo and numetal have incorporated aspects of thrash and death metal. Despite the relative chart-based popularity of these metal genres, they remain dependent on the cultivation of an image of metal as outside ‘mainstream’ culture. Again, suburbia (and particularly the teenage male’s bedroom) is presented as the site of metal consumption and production and the constitution of outsider emotions.
He was the vocalist for seminal Osakan grindcore band, Fortitude. He would not disclose his profession but did inform me that he was a member of the Japanese Communist Party. Fukuda Masaru (Fukuda) was also the same age as Sensei and Toshi. He remains the vocalist for another early Osakan grindcore band, Stubborn Father. He would not tell me his occupation and regularly used heroin. He did not speak English. His younger brother was known as ‘Bâbon’ (‘bourbon’) due to his position as the kohai supplier of whiskey shots to sempai bands performing at Hokage.